Covid-19

Resolute and Resourceful: Vietnam’s Road to Post-Pandemic Recovery

Thursday, August 4, 2022

Vietnam, Southeast Asia’s fifth biggest economy and third largest by population, has weathered the pandemic storm through a combination of strong yet flexible state leadership that won the confidence and trust of citizens, rapid and nimble response, and innovative use of technology, writes James Borton of the School of Advanced International Studies at Johns Hopkins University.

Resolute and Resourceful: Vietnam’s Road to Post-Pandemic Recovery

Electric vehicle battery plant in Haiphong, December 2021: With workers back in factories, Vietnam's economy is humming again: (Credit: NamLong Nguyen / Shutterstock.com)

The public health threat arrived like a raging storm moving fast across porous borders. In early 2020, Covid-19 broke out into a vulnerable world defined by division, mistrust and inequality. Few expected Vietnam, a single-party state with almost 100 million citizens and recognized as one of the youngest and fastest-growing economies in Southeast Asia, to surface as a successful model for pandemic preparedness and response. Across the border in China, Beijing’s ongoing “zero Covid” policy of containment through mass lockdowns, testing, isolation and intense surveillance stands in sharp contrast to Hanoi’s own lockdowns leavened by a willingness to adapt, lift restrictions and get the economy running again.

A 2022 study in The Lancet medical journal suggests that Vietnam should have stumbled in its battle against Covid-19. Instead, its government’s policies – and more important, the trust elicited from its citizens – have allowed the country to battle the virus effectively. The leadership of the Communist Part of Vietnam united in the war against the coronavirus, first with draconian travel measures to contain the transmission rate and then by launching a rapid vaccination program that administered 200 million doses. In addition, social media campaigns to alert citizens helped bolster the nation’s recovery to a current GDP growth rate of 2.91 percent, even as the pandemic has plunged many of the world’s economies into or near recession.

Homebound in Hanoi, December 2021: The government implemented lockdowns and thorough contact tracing but were willing to adjust measures to get the economy moving again (Credit: Vietnam Stock Images / Shutterstock.com)

Homebound in Hanoi, December 2021: The government implemented lockdowns and thorough contact tracing but were willing to adjust measures to get the economy moving again (Credit: Vietnam Stock Images / Shutterstock.com)

Reliable state and party leadership

Nguyen Xuan Phuc, now president of Vietnam, but prime minister during the onset of the pandemic, called for citizens to “make every residential area a fortress to stop the pandemic.” His rallying cry gained widespread acceptance. The government’s determined messaging to treat the novel virus as a common enemy invading the nation mobilized the public to protect their communities and to demonstrate patriotism by staying at home.

“Effective policy communication and implementation lead to public trust in the government and resulted in citizens’ support for and compliance with the government’s policy,” argues Professor Van Thanh Vu of the Academy of Journalism and Communication in Hanoi. “The public trust in Vietnam’s government during the pandemic is a good showcase for this relationship.”

At the outset of the pandemic, Vietnam’s health authorities responded swiftly and then modified policies during the subsequent waves of infections. The nation’s prior experience during the severe acute respiratory syndrome (SARS) epidemic in 2003 and also the influx of avian and swine influenza cases between 2004 and 2010 meant that the country and its citizens were prepared to take the steps necessary to break the chain of infections. The government’s readiness for uncompromising rapid response was evident in the public health investments it had made in infrastructure, emergency operations centers and a national public health surveillance system. The knowledge built up from dealing with the previous epidemics accounted for the early development of serological monitoring that allowed assessment of disease transmission and immunity level. The establishment of a national serosurveillance bank provided strong support for the ambitious but costly vaccine program.

Vaccines for all: From March 2021, Vietnam began a mass vaccination campaign, with a wide variety of vaccines becoming available including locally produced versions (Credit: All themes / Shutterstock.com)

Vaccines for all: From March 2021, Vietnam began a mass vaccination campaign, with a wide variety of vaccines becoming available including locally produced versions (Credit: All themes / Shutterstock.com)

Vaccine victory and contact-tracing triumph

At the start of 2022, Vietnam was struck by a fourth wave of infections, propelled by the highly transmissible Omicron variant. This resulted in mandated closures of non-essential businesses and food and beverage outlets and limits on transportation services in cities including Hanoi and Ho Chi Minh City. Despite the economic hardships endured by citizens, the government’s rollout of mass vaccination, which started in March 2021, proved to be a significant pathway for the reopening of the country. On offer have been a wide range of vaccines including AstraZeneca’s developed in the UK and Sweden, Russia’s Sputnik V, Sinopharm from China, Moderna from the US, Pfizer-BioNTech from the US and Germany, and even a version from Cuba. Vietnam was among the few countries in the world that has researched, tested and produced locally their own vaccines such as Nanocovax.

Even before the pandemic, the nation had in place an effective information and technology sector, coupled with high mobile phone penetration and social media use. The health crisis spurred more digital innovation including a government-led track-and-trace strategy. Assiduous contract tracing was highly effective. Healthcare workers could use Facebook and Instagram posts, as well as mobile-phone data, to identify individuals who had been in close proximity to people who tested positive. Scores of community volunteers gathered information through interviews.

Given the nature of the society and state authority, it was perhaps not surprising that Vietnamese did not object or question the deployment of an army of tracers, even though anyone identified as a close contact of a Covid-19 patient would face isolation in government quarantine facilities. The government, meanwhile, took advantage of the wide use of mobile phones in the country, releasing the PC-Covid Vietnam app that combined contact tracing with a vaccine pass function. This freed up contact tracers to focus on newly infected individuals who did not own a smartphone.

Trust in technology: Vietnamese were willing to use contact-tracing and vaccine pass apps (Credit: James Are / Shutterstock.com)

Trust in technology: Vietnamese were willing to use contact-tracing and vaccine pass apps (Credit: James Are / Shutterstock.com)

Unlike in the US and some countries in the West where citizens complained about or even refused to use contact-tracing apps for privacy reasons, Vietnamese generally were willing to apply public-health technology, including Bluezone, a Bluetooth-based mobile application that would alert users if they had come into close proximity of an infected person. Social media platforms such as Facebook and the local instant-messaging app Zalo disseminated thousands of articles to increase people’s awareness and knowledge of the coronavirus. “From the very beginning, we never questioned the deadliness of the virus and we had the media to thank for the early reports and extensive coverage of the rapidly growing number of cases in cities around the world,” says Nguyen Da Huong, the CEO of Arcady Farms, a coffee exporter. “So public awareness was the first thing that was done right.”

Fighting corruption

Another aspect of Vietnam’s Covid-19 response was the government’s crackdown on pandemic-related corruption. This has included criminal prosecutions for abuse of power relating to the distribution of coronavirus testing kits. A deputy foreign minister was arrested for allegedly receiving bribes in connection with the repatriation of Vietnamese stranded abroad. That the media were not impeded from reporting on these cases was surprising. By allowing instances of graft by officials to be made public, the government and the Communist Party gained the confidence and trust of citizens not just in their anti-Covid-19 efforts but also in their ongoing campaign against corruption that has resulted in the prosecution of thousands of party members.

Boosting prospects for economic recovery

The combination of an effective pandemic policy coupled with anti-corruption measures has spurred the economy towards expansion of 7 percent this year as risks from the coronavirus recede. That would measure up as one of the fastest paces of GDP growth in the region, outdistancing India’s projected 6.2 percent, according to the Asian Development Bank (ADB). To be sure, Vietnamese have gone through very tough times. But government social programs at different levels including innovations such as “rice ATMs” to dispense the staple grain and the “Ban Covid-19” operation to provide food and protective equipment to vulnerable citizens have helped to alleviate the hardship. Economists attribute Vietnam’s rapid recovery to stronger manufacturing performance as the workforce has returned to factories. Also helping Vietnam’s reopening to tourism. Covid-19 testing requirements for international arrivals have been abandoned.

Vietnam has also redoubled efforts to build trade and investment partnerships abroad. Hanoi is intent on strengthening not only its national security ties but also its economic relationship with the US. The US Agency for International Development (USAID) and Vietnam’s Ministry of Planning and Investment (MPI) recently organized a conference to outline plans and detail measures for enhancing the country’s business environment and national competitiveness in 2022, with particular emphasis on post-pandemic socio-economic recovery and development.

Reaching out: Vietnamese Prime Minister Pham Minh Chinh with US President Joe Biden at the White House for the ASEAN special summit in May (Credit: Socialist Republic of Vietnam)

Reaching out: Vietnamese Prime Minister Pham Minh Chinh with US President Joe Biden at the White House for the ASEAN special summit in May (Credit: Socialist Republic of Vietnam)

Prime Minister Pham Minh Chinh participated in the ASEAN special summit in Washington in May and was online from Hanoi at the launch that same month by American President Joe Biden during his trip to Japan of the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework (IPEF), the US’s bid to counter trade, development and standard-setting efforts by China in the region including Beijing’s signature Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Vietnam is one of four ASEAN countries (Brunei, Malaysia and Singapore are the other three) that is party to the IPEF, as well as to the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) and the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP), the two major Asia-Pacific free-trade arrangements.

Vietnam’s reopening and its current trajectory towards robust economic recovery may be attributed to a strong sense of community and patriotism and to the fluid and flexible yet resolute government leadership in response to the enormous challenges that the global pandemic posed. This points to the country’s emergence as a strong economic and strategic player in the region, one of ASEAN’s leading member states and a much sought-after partner in the world of great power competition.

Opinions expressed in articles published by AsiaGlobal Online reflect only those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the views of AsiaGlobal Online or the Asia Global Institute

Author

James Borton

James Borton

Foreign Policy Institute, School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS), Johns Hopkins University

James Borton is a senior fellow at Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies Foreign Policy Institute and the author of Dispatches from the South China Sea: Navigating to Common Ground.


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